Radical Wing in the U.S. Uses Supreme Court Justice and Plots ‘Decisive Action’ Against Brazil’s Election
ICL Columnists – Jamil Chade
Radical Wing in the U.S. Uses Supreme Court Justice and Plots ‘Decisive Action’ Against Brazil’s Election
Group within the Trump administration pressures the White House to take measures that could destabilize Brazil’s election
September 3, 2026 | 5:30 a.m.
The most radical wing of Donald Trump’s administration is putting together an effort aimed at destabilizing Brazil’s election. According to the report, the strategy of a group made up primarily of Republican lawmakers, second-tier administration allies, and members of the State Department is to convince the U.S. president to reinstate sanctions against Brazil and, especially, against Brazilian Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes.
In recent days, Bolsonaro supporters have reportedly sent U.S. authorities documents referring to conversations between Moraes and banker Daniel Vorcaro.
ICL Notícias learned that the case was already on the radar of American diplomats, who had been monitoring the justice and looking for openings to place Moraes once again at the center of action against Brazil.
In 2025, the justice was already targeted by sanctions imposed by the Trump administration. At the time, the allegations involved supposed violations by the Brazilian official regarding freedom of expression and what was described as a “witch hunt” against Bolsonaro supporters. The Magnitsky Act was invoked, resulting in financial sanctions against the justice.
But the move ultimately became a political opportunity for President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who denounced the U.S. action as interference in Brazilian sovereignty.
In December of last year, following negotiations between the two countries, the sanctions were suspended, frustrating the more radical wing in its efforts to achieve its objectives.
In recent months, Moraes’ decisions on several issues gave this group in the United States hope that the justice could once again become the target of an operation, particularly because of his actions involving digital platforms. Even so, there was resistance within the upper ranks of the Trump administration.
Now, the new situation involving Moraes has reportedly been received in the United States as the “missing piece” needed to convince the White House to act.
There is, however, no final consensus within the administration on how to proceed. President Donald Trump himself said on Wednesday that he maintained a “good relationship” with Brazil, without mentioning Lula.
In 2025, Trump launched an attack against Moraes and, after imposing sanctions on him, discovered that the move had boosted Lula’s popularity to unprecedented levels. The Brazilian government portrayed the action as an attack on the institutions of democracy, and that narrative gained traction.
Part of the U.S. government, however, believes that the situation is different now. According to them, revelations concerning alleged connections between Moraes and Daniel Vorcaro have damaged the image of the Supreme Court justice as a defender of democracy.
The possibility of sanctions now, they argue, would be accompanied by a sense of “legitimacy” and would fit Trump’s narrative of accusing judges of being “corrupt.”
A survey involving 2,000 Brazilians was commissioned this week in an attempt to understand how the public in Brazil would react if new sanctions were imposed. The calculation is that, with five weeks remaining before the country’s election, a shock to public opinion could be decisive. In other words, if the United States miscalculates the impact of the sanctions, there may not be enough time to reverse the consequences.
But indications reportedly suggest that the survey results reinforced the idea that sanctions against Moraes would not generate the same level of public outrage today. At the same time, they could create a scenario of institutional and political destabilization in Brazil. For one of the sources interviewed by ICL Notícias, it would be a “decisive action.”
Another factor being considered is a possible meeting between Lula and Trump on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly. The meeting is expected to take place at the end of September and, according to the order of speeches in New York, the two presidents will once again be together in the areas leading to the UN’s main stage.
Last month, the British newspaper Financial Times reported that Donald Trump’s administration was considering imposing new sanctions on Moraes.
If implemented, the sanctions would represent another test for the already tense relationship between the two governments. Even though the measures would target a Supreme Court justice, the Lula administration has adopted the position that sanctions against him would constitute an attack on the country’s institutions.
The move is also seen as a sign that, at a crucial moment in the election, Trump may be considering escalating interference in the process of choosing Brazil’s next president.
Both the Presidential Palace and Brazil’s Foreign Ministry reportedly believe that interference by the White House aimed at benefiting Flávio Bolsonaro is already a reality. The Brazilian government estimates that actions coming from Washington will multiply in the coming weeks.
According to the Financial Times, before the revelations involving Vorcaro, one of the reasons for reconsidering sanctions was Moraes’ decision to take action against a journalist in the state of Maranhão. The justice authorized authorities to obtain access to the communications records of journalist Luís Pablo Conceição Almeida, 40. The case could reportedly be used within the White House as “evidence” that the justice is an “enemy” of freedom of expression.
Citing people close to power in the United States, the newspaper reported that Moraes has become the target of harsh criticism in Washington.
“He is persecuting the president’s supporters. Not only Elon Musk, but also MAGA supporters in Brazil,” said one person familiar with the thinking of the U.S. administration.
“Even if we want a good relationship with Brazil, obviously this guy is an enemy.”
The reimposition of Magnitsky measures was “under consideration,” another person said.
But the Maranhão case is not the only issue.
“There were many factors and a consistent pattern of abuse. This is just the latest,” another person said, referring to the journalist’s case. “The concerns never went away.”
Original source:
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Cruzando fronteiras com refugiados, testemunhando crimes contra a humanidade, viajando com papas ou cobrindo cúpulas diplomáticas, Jamil Chade percorreu mais de 70 países. Com seu escritório na sede da ONU em Genebra, ele foi eleito o segundo jornalista mais admirado do Brasil em 2025. Chade foi indicado 4 vezes como finalista do prêmio Jabuti. Ele é embaixador do Instituto Adus, membro do conselho do Instituto Vladimir Herzog e foi um dos pesquisadores da Comissão Nacional da Verdade.